"(T)o say that the individual is culturally constituted has become a truism. . . . We assume, almost without question, that a self belongs to a specific cultural world much as it speaks a native language." James Clifford

Tuesday, February 11, 2020

On the Social Psychology of Rising Credit-Card Debt: A Reflection of American Society?

It is perhaps too easy to point to economic reasons for an increase in debt within a society. The Wall Street Journal reported during the first quarter of 2020 that credit-card debt in the U.S. “rose to a record in the final quarter of 2019 as Americans spent aggressively amid a strong economy and job market, and the proportion of people seriously behind on their payments increased.”[1] The record $930 billion, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, was “well above the previous peak seen before the 2008 financial crisis.”[2] After critiquing the economic explanation, I will suggest that a social-psychological mentality or attitude may be behind not only the rising debt, but also other disappointing manifestations in the contemporaneous American society more broadly speaking.
The U.S. economy between 2001 and the third quarter of 2007 had been “weaker, overall, than its performance in the equivalent years of the 1990s.”[3] So if spending aggressively (a rather strange expression) amid a strong economy and job market in 2019 led to the record in credit-card debt, why was the debt level higher in the 2001-2007 period than during the 1990s? Furthermore, why wouldn’t a weaker economy result in more buying on credit and a jump particularly in serious credit delinquencies? In actuality, the fourth quarter of 2019 saw only moderate growth of 2.1 percent, a full percentage point below the comparable figure from the year’s first quarter. The softening of domestic consumer spending and the low unemployment rate of 3.5% should result in more credit-card debt being paid off rather than added. Going on economic factors alone takes on the look of a twisted pretzel.
I submit that a creeping pathological mentality in the some segments of American society, or perhaps outside of society, may be another, steadier trending factor. Specifically an attitude toward money and personal responsibility may have been spreading during the 2010s among the working poor. I cannot offer any empirical evidence, so my theorizing can only be considered as an initial sketch. Even so, the rough sketches of the attitude itself can be revealing with respect to personal responsibility and other people.
The attitude, which I have observed on number of occasions, includes the decision not to utilize self-discipline in the face of instant-gratification, which in turn may be felt as coming all-at-once as if overwhelming once a paycheck is received. Self-discipline may simply be dismissed as if it were an exogenous bad odor. In actuality, that odor comes from the attitude itself. The ensuing behavior is to spend too much of the paycheck without concern for money that will be needed before the next paycheck arrives (not to mention any concern to put some money aside in case of unemployment or an emergency).
In 2019, I listened more to the jobless poor who received government checks. I found that in many cases, they most or almost all of a check all at once. In many cases, they would turn to selling drugs and going to food-banks (and selling food stamps) to have money well into the month. That the mentality in spending virtually all of a check can point to an underlying mental illness suggests just how problematic the underlying mentality is. In retrospect, the consequent increase in serious delinquencies of credit-card debt can be viewed as a symptom rather than as the problem. Another “red flag” concerning the seriousness of the mentality occurred to me when I realized that the non-working poor are so very poor they are the most vulnerable financially, and a significant number, at least from my observations, displayed such flawed judgment in spending recklessly, as if they could offer no resistance to the instinct for immediate gratification. The mentality may thus be oblivious to external context and even the internal context of the mentality’s own bad judgment.
Regarding the working poor, people who display a failure of judgment concerning how much credit-card debt to add or have given the amount of the pay may also 1) have an implicit assumption that money is rightly for free (the extreme being conducive to theft), 2) believe that society owes them so they can rightly assume debt without any intent to pay it back, and 3) feel little or no responsibility to people they don’t know, including the owners of the credit-card companies and others. This extremely narcissistic attitude is entirely comfortable in violating Kant’s ethical notion of the Kingdom of Ends, by which other people are to be treated not only as a person’s means, but also as ends in themselves. Accumulating credit-card debt as if the companies’ concerns were of no significance turns the rational beings running and owning the companies into mere means to the person’s flawed decision that such money is and should be free, without obligation on the person’s part. If the counterparty is hurt, it is easily dismissible as “not my concern.” The mentality is thus not conformable to society and its implicit social contract.
I submit that the impact of the sordid mentality is evinced in not only the taking on of credit-card debt either recklessly or without any intention of repaying it, but also the increase in prison populations and drug use, and the general declining trend of civility toward strangers in public. In other words, the records in credit-card debt may be a few data points that together with other data may suggest the underlying mentality whose baleful manifestations running through American society are broader than generally thought.




1. Yuka Hayashi, “Credit-Card Debt in U.S. Rises to Record $930 Billion,” The Wall Street Journal, February 11, 2020.
2. Ibid.
3. Aviva Aron-Dine, Richard Kogan, and Chad Stone, “How Robust Was the 2001-2007 Economic Expansion?,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, August 29, 2008. (accessed February 11, 2020)

Tuesday, February 4, 2020

Tension between Wall Street and Main Street: A Case beyond the Reach of Corporate Social Responsibility

In October 2011, Gerald Seib wrote that political and economic pressures in the wake of the financial crisis were “pushing business leaders into the public cross hairs.”[1] I submit that the very existence of the largest American banks was becoming an issue. In such a case in which a gulf between business and society is so fundamental or deep, corporate social responsibility programs do not suffice and may even backfire. While it is normal for the norms and values of a business sector to differ from those of the wider whole (i.e., society), it is uncommon for a rupture to be so deep that corporate marketing and CSR are not sufficient business responses. I submit that in such cases and where corporations have a lot of power over government officials, CEOs extend their toolset to government to fill in the trench. The "Occupy Wall Street" protests is a case in point. 

From the corporate standpoint, the time was ripe for the field of business and society, whose topics include corporate social responsibility, corporate citizenship, and stakeholder management. The fundamental matter to be “managed,” or assuaged, in that field of business concerns divergent norms as well as values between the individual corporations or the business sector and the wider society. Tension is not always or invariably present, but the fact that a corporation and even the business sector is a part of a wider whole (i.e., a society) suggests that the respective interests, perspectives, norms, and values are likely to differ. Generally speaking, the interests of a part are not identical to the interests of the whole of which the part is a subunit or part. An externality such as from dumping chemicals in a river or polluting the air means that a company's interest, norms, and values can differ from those of a society. 

Self-interest can obviously affect norms and values. A powerful corporation's executives and board may believe that the company's power over members of the U.S. Congress is normal and right because such dominance is in the corporation's financial interest. Meanwhile, voters may feel that such a distended dominance by the moneyed interest harms democracy and is thus a norm that should not exist. 

According to Seib, societal populists and corporate executives were not on the same page in 2011. In as much as the executives were utilizing corporate social responsibility to create the impression that the corporate norms and values being espoused were in line with societal norms and values, the field of business and society may not have been equipped to deal with divergent talking points that are grounded in antipodal, or antithetical, social realities. In short, corporate social responsibility as marketing or "window-dressing" can be detected as fake, thereby increasing the rift rather than reducing it. Indeed, it can be said that the topic began as an ideal  to bridge the gap between corporations and societies only to end up in marketing.[2] Foisting the illusion of convergent corporate and societal values can backfire by illuminating boardrooms as places where only a narrow perspective of short-term profit pervades.

In the context of the “Occupy Wall Street” protests spreading across the U.S. during the Fall of 2011, Seib pointed to the existence of “a radical disconnect between the picture populist critics paint from the outside, and the one business leaders describe from inside.”[3] This disconnect had gone back to September 2008, when bankers viewed the collapse of the housing market (and those of related financial products, such as CDOs) as a result of over-reaching, dishonest and languid mortgage borrowers. 

Meanwhile, the wider society saw greedy and fraudulent mortgage originators and investment bankers behind the adjustable-arm steep mortgages and the "crap" bonds that were based on those risky mortgages. This disconnect infuriated the general public, especially because contrition would not come from Wall Street. Greed refuses any constraint, including even acknowledging even some responsibility. Banks would engage in mass foreclosures without a hint of guilt for having misled people into going for oversized houses. The mortgage producers at Countrywide and other companies conveniently made the bad assumption that a few years of mortgage payments would enable the mortgage borrowers to shift from step-wise increasing-rate to fixed 20-year mortgages so as to avoid the higher interest payments. This flawed assumption was no doubt helped out by the fact that more mortgages would be sold, and thus higher bonues received. The interest of the economy, not to mention society as a whole, was of lesser concern. Hence the clash in norms and values between the part and the whole. 

In the populist protests, the crowd also saw American companies with enough profit and cash to create jobs domestically yet without the will to do so. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, American corporations had cut their work forces in the U.S. by nearly 3 million, while increasing employment abroad by almost 2.5 million. In the fall of 2011, Standard & Poor predicted corporate earnings growth of 13.5% for the third quarter, which, according to Seib, suggested “to Wall Street protesters that companies were hoarding profits without creating work.”[3] Saving money by moving factories "off shore" fits the business value of efficiency, and even the maxim in trade that goods should be produced where doing so is cheapest (e.g., where the goods are most plentiful). The cost of such a norm of and value on going abroad is externalized to the host country, which is left with the impaired social contract between a large corporation and the society. 

Generally speaking, a government says, in effect, to a company: We'll let you incorporate and even expand into multinational corporations but we expect you to provide jobs in addition to benefiting your customers with goods and services. This version of the social contract that includes the obligation to provide as many jobs as possible (i.e., while still allowing for a reasonable profit, and thus dividends) is controversial, however, because CEOs could retort that providing goods and services that reduce suffering and increase happiness is sufficient. From a utilitarian standpoint, therefore, such CEO's could even claim an ethical justification. Such a justification would likely merely be marketing to craw back some of the lost reputational capital, a long-term intangible asset. 

According to Seib, business leaders cited more practical factors that more easily fit into the traditional business calculus. From the business perspective, third-quarter expectations were less than expected. The managers pointed to the benefits of an artificially weak dollar that had already strengthened at the expense of exports. More broadly, businesses were looking at weak consumer demand and increasing costs with government regulations, which make augmenting the domestic work force more costly. Seib juxtaposes this business view of a hostile business environment with the societal view that looked angrily at unpatriotic and greedy corporate chieftains. 

I submit that when a divide is so gaping, depating the factors in the business environment doesn't fit. Corporate social responsibility programs, such as having employees volunteer at soup kitchens, are not restorative. Firstly, the benefit from such programs would not come close to the original costs borne by society from the reckless and even fraudulent banking practices. Secondly, the people hurt from those practices are not necessarily helped by a program. This is especially true if the "restorative" program in oriented to another society problem, such a disease. Thirdly, corporations benefit from the good public relations from a CSR program. An angry populist is not likely to be pleased that one of the selfish, reckless banks is actually benefiting as it makes contrition. Fourthly, the gap between the business sector (or an industry, but not likely an individual company) and a society can be so deep enough that capitalism itself is severely questioned at large. Filling in such a deep trench goes beyond what CSR can do; a bulldozer rather than some shovels are needed in such cases. I contend that the "Occupy Wall Street" protests that took place three years after the financial crisis deepened or perhaps only exposed such a trench. I suspect this is why the U.S. Government, which was refusing to hold mortgage producers and investment bankers criminally accountable for the fraud--protecting the powerful financial sector--took an active role in stopping the protests. To have the very legitimacy of corporate America, or even just the banking sector, even questioned in such a public way was likely too much for a government whose elected officials could receive unlimited campaign contributions. 

1. Gerald F. Seib, “Populist Anger Over Economy Carries Risks for Big Business,” The Wall Street Journal, October 11, 2011. More generally, see Skip Worden, Essays on the Financial Crisis.
2. William C. Frederick, my doctoral professor in the field of Business & Society, came to this conclusion, as did I. When upon retirement from teaching he turned to the application of the natural sciences to economizing and power-aggrandizement in relation to societal "ecologizing" forces, and then to management, I truly became one of his students (for twenty years). I gave a conference paper, for example, on how a company could be run on ecologizing rather than profit-maximizing principles. The field of Business & Society is indeed wider and more abstract than the CSR topic. 

Monday, February 3, 2020

CSR and Corporate Governance Reform: An Opporunity for BlackRock as an Activist Shareholder

In 2019, BlackRock’s management and board publically fired two executives in the Hong Kong office for breaching company rules on dating subordinates. The firings demonstrated to employees that the company would enforce its employee policies and sent the message that employees would be “free to point out problems in the workplace.”[1] This would not be so extraordinarily significant but for the fact that BlackRock is the “world’s largest money manager with $7.4 trillion under management,” which enables the company, through the funds it runs, to be “one of the five largest shareholders in nearly every corporation in the S&P 500.”[2] So BlackRock “can cast votes and pressure boardrooms to effect change.”[3] The company would be hypocritical in using its power as a major stockholder to get managements to have and enforce good workplace policies if the company were not doing so itself. From the standpoint of self-regulatory capitalism in society, BlackRock could make a significant contribution far beyond improving workplace policies.

In January 2020, BlackRock’s management announced that it “would take a tougher stance against corporations that aren’t providing a full accounting of environmental risks.”[4] This was “part of a slew of moves by the investment giant to show it is doing more to address investment challenges posed by climate change.”[5] BlackRock CEO Laurence Fink wrote, “The evidence on climate risk is compelling investors to reassess core assumptions about modern finance.”[6] The long-term viability of companies is a salient variable in recalculations.

As much as issue-specific stockholder activism narrows the gap between the values and priorities held by business and society, the matter of corporate governance is also important. In particular, companies whose managements control their respective boards of directors suffer from a deficit of accountability in their governance system. Board members could be influenced on issue-specific stockholder activism and yet a CEO could ignore any pressure from members if he or she controls the board, whose functions include holding the CEO accountable. BlackRock had the power as of 2020 to pressure boards to break up the conflict of interest when a CEO is also the chair of the board of directors at a company. Because of BlackRock’s reach in overseeing so many companies, corporate governance could effectively get a remake such that greater accountability would be part of the governance systems. Because outside directors would theoretically have more sway over a company’s management, wider issue-specific stockholder activism could have greater resonance with management. The gap between corporate and societal values and norms could thus be narrowed. Indeed, the capitalist system within a society would be more self-regulated in terms of corporate governance.

In short, BlackRock could improve the business sector significantly beyond responding to particular issues. Perhaps business itself is vulnerable to missing the big picture at the scale of governance systems, and thus opportunities to improve them. Even though the focus on quarterly earnings and, moreover, on profit-seeking may play a role, I submit that even CEOs do not typically cast a wide enough eye such that governance systems (not only in business, but also government!) are entirely in view as systems. Focusing on particular stockholder issues is closer to the focus on profitability, and thus primary.


[1] Dawn Lim, Steven Russolillo, and Jing Yang, “At BlackRock, Public Firings, Overseas Probe Send Message About Office Misbehavior,” The Wall Street Journal, February 3, 2020.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Dawn Lim and Julie Steinberg, “BlackRock to Hold Companies and Itself to Higher Standards on Climate Risk,” The Wall Street Journal, January 14, 2020.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.